Theurgy

The Rite Changes the Ritualist

The word is second-century: theourgoi stand in Chaldean Oracles fr. 153, verse ascribed to Julian the Theurgist, whom the Suda dates under Marcus Aurelius.

Ruth Majercik, The Chaldean Oracles: Text, Translation, and Commentary (1989), fr. 153; Suda, iota 434 (Suda On Line).

Late Platonist ritual meant to fit the soul for the gods, not to compel them: Iamblichus' defence, about 300.

More context

Theourgia — god-work — is second-century vocabulary: the Chaldean Oracles, hexameters ascribed to Julian the Theurgist, carry the agent noun theourgos. Porphyry objected in his Letter to Anebo: impassive gods cannot be compelled, and threatening one is absurd. Iamblichus answered about 300, writing as the Egyptian priest Abammon (De mysteriis is Ficino's title, 1497), and conceded the point. Nothing coerces a god: the tokens the rite handles were sown in matter by the gods themselves, and what changes is the practitioner, fitted for a union thought cannot reach. Maximus of Ephesus initiated the future emperor Julian about 351; Proclus systematised it; Augustine condemned it in City of God X.9–10. It is where late Platonism is usually said to have become a religion rather than philosophy.

Light

Iamblichus' answer dignifies matter: stones, plants, sounds and names carry tokens the gods sowed in the world. Gregory Shaw, in 1995, read this as a philosophy of embodiment.

Shadow

Porphyry's question outlived the answer: a rite that cannot compel can still be sold as though it could. Augustine reports Porphyry conceding that theurgy purifies only the lower soul.

Sources12 sources

Primary source

  • Suda, entries iota 433 and iota 434 (Suda On Line translation), iota 434, Julian the Theurgist, who 'flourished in the reign of Marcus Antoninus', credited with Theurgica, Telestica and oracles in epic verse; iota 433, his father Julian the Chaldaean, a philosopher with four books on daemons and amuletsThe dateline. The tenth-century Byzantine lexicon is where the two Julians are dated at all, and it dates only one of them: it puts the son, the one credited with oracles in verse, under Marcus Aurelius (161-180), and gives the father neither a reign nor any oracles.
  • Augustine of Hippo (trans. Marcus Dods), The City of God, in Nicene and Post-Nicene Fathers, series 1, vol. 2, 1887, Book X, chapters 9, 10 and 11; Book VIII, chapter 23The condemnation, and the most useful hostile witness to Porphyry. X.9 is titled 'Of the Illicit Arts Connected with Demonolatry, and of Which the Platonist Porphyry Adopts Some, and Discards Others', and reports Porphyry allowing that theurgy cleanses only 'the spiritual part, which takes cognizance of the images of things material', while conceding that 'these theurgic mysteries impart to the intellectual soul no such purity'. X.10 is titled 'Concerning Theurgy, Which Promises a Delusive Purification of the Soul by the Invocation of Demons'. X.11 preserves the Letter to Anebo and opens: 'It was a better tone which Porphyry adopted in his letter to Anebo the Egyptian.' VIII.23 is where Augustine quotes the Asclepius on men making gods by binding spirits into statues.
  • Pseudo-Dionysius (trans. Colm Luibheid and Paul Rorem), The Complete Works, 1987, Paulist Press; Rorem's introduction and notes on theourgiaThat the word crosses into Christianity around 500, in an author demonstrably dependent on Proclus, and that its referent moves. Rorem reads Dionysian theourgia as the divine acts of the incarnate Christ recalled in the liturgy rather than as anything the ritualist performs - a reading Orthodox scholars contest as importing a Protestant sacramental bias.
  • Ruth Majercik, The Chaldean Oracles: Text, Translation, and Commentary, 1989, Brill; des Places fragment numbering, theourgoi at fr. 153That the vocabulary is second-century and Chaldean before it is Platonic. The edition carries the des Places numbering and is the correct citation for any Chaldean Oracle by number.
  • Iamblichus (trans. Emma C. Clarke, John M. Dillon and Jackson P. Hershbell), De mysteriis / On the Mysteries, 2003, SBL, Writings from the Greco-Roman World 4; the decisive statement at II.11The whole argument of this entry. Iamblichus concedes Porphyry's premise and relocates the effect: at II.11, theurgic union is established not by human thought but by the performance of acts beyond conception and by the power of unutterable symbols understood only by the gods. The same work draws the theurgy/goeteia line and defends the unintelligible 'barbarian names'. The entry paraphrases II.11 and does not quote it.

Scholarship

The tradition itself

  • Iamblichus, De Mysteriis, c. 300The esoteric reading given on this entry — answering Porphyry's objections to ritual

Where this claim originates